Just as networking is important for career exploration, preparation and actually landing any job, networking is also crucial to a successful DEI professional development plan. Work on expanding your networks to include professionals doing DEI work in your field of interest. Talk to people on your campus, such as colleagues who have recently interviewed for a job you are interested in and, yes, use LinkedIn.
Make sure you check out the LinkedIn groups. My search for diversity-related groups on LinkedIn yielded 2, options. Research some of the groups that pique your interest and then join a couple of them to stay current on diversity issues. Try to submit content and engage in group discussions when possible. Many employers will view your LinkedIn profile before inviting you to interview. Your engagement on DEI issues in your LinkedIn groups can help validate your commitment to diversity. Another best-practice technique is to conduct informational interviews with people doing DEI-related work you aspire to do.
As you continue your graduate studies and forge ahead into the job market, keep diversity, equity and inclusion at the forefront of your mind. Continue to incorporate it into your teaching, research, scholarship, mentoring, curriculum design, service and leadership. You will find that demonstrating your commitment to diversity gets easier as you continuously implement the aforementioned strategies throughout your professional career.
Enjoy the ride. Deborah S. Willis is program manager for professional and academic development at the Rackham Graduate School of the University of Michigan and a member of the Graduate Career Consortium -- an organization providing a national voice for graduate-level career and professional development leaders.
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Choice and Diversity in Schooling: Perspectives and Prospects (Self-Development for Managers)
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Multicultural education - Wikipedia
Are you involved in outreach activities relevant to advancing equity and access to higher education? Before participating, ask yourself: How does the training nurture my passion? How will it help me gain the DEI professional development skills I need? How will it help me demonstrate my commitment to diversity? Initially education in America was not publicly funded. Instead it was every community for itself.
Nor was it universal education. Education was restricted to free white males and, moreover, free white males who could afford the school fees. As a result, he created his own speller and dictionary as a way of advancing a common American language. Opposed to this idea of developing a national identity was Thomas Jefferson, who saw education as the means for safeguarding individual rights, especially against the intrusions of the state.
Through his ward system of education, Jefferson proposed establishing free schools to teach reading, writing, and arithmetic, and from these schools those of intellectual ability, regardless of background or economic status, would receive a college education paid for by the state. The civic education curriculum was explicit, if not simplistic. To create good citizens and good persons required little beyond teaching the basic mechanics of government and imbuing students with loyalty to America and her democratic ideals.
That involved large amounts of rote memorization of information about political and military history and about the workings of governmental bodies at the local, state, and federal levels. It also involved conformity to specific rules describing conduct inside and outside of school.
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Through this kind of civic education, all children would be melded, if not melted, into an American citizen. A heavy emphasis on Protestantism at the expense of Catholicism was one example of such work.
While Webster and, after him, Mann wanted public education to generate the national identity that they thought democracy required, later educational reformers moved away from the idea of the common school and toward a differentiation of students. The Massachusetts Commission on Industrial and Technical Education, for example, pushed in for industrial and vocational education in the public schools.
Educating all youth equally for participation in democracy by giving them a liberal, or academic, education, they argued, was a waste of time and resources. Acting against this view of education was John Dewey. Because Dewey saw democracy as a way of life, he argued that all children deserved and required a democratic education.
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Dewey thought that the actual interests and experiences of students should be the basis of their education. I recur to a consideration of Dewey and civic education below. Civic education can occur in all kinds of regimes, but it is especially important in democracies.
The answer for him is a politea or a mixed constitution in which persons must know both how to rule and how to obey. In such regimes, the excellence and virtues of the good man and the good citizen coincide. Democratic societies have an interest in preparing citizens to rule and to be ruled. Modern democracies, however, are different from the ancient polis in several important and pertinent respects. They are mass societies in which most people can have little individual impact on government and policy.
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They are complex, technologically-driven, highly specialized societies in which professionals including lawyers, civil servants, and politicians have much more expertise than laypeople. And they are liberal constitutional regimes in which individual freedom is protected--to various degrees--and government is deliberately insulated from public pressure. For example, courts and central banks are protected from popular votes.
Once the United States had become an industrialized mass society, the influential columnist Walter Lippmann argued that ordinary citizens had been eclipsed and could, at most, render occasional judgments about a government of experts see The Phantom Public, John Dewey and the Chicago civic leader Jane Addams in different ways asserted that the lay public must and could regain its voice, but they struggled to explain how. Several contemporary philosophers argue that citizens have a relatively demanding role and that they can and should be educated for it.
Gutmann , for example, argues that democratic society-at-large has a significant stake in the education of its children, for they will grow up to be democratic citizens. At the very least, then, society has the responsibility for educating all children for citizenship. Because democratic societies have this responsibility, we cannot leave the education of future citizens to the will or whim of parents.
This central insight leads Gutmann to rule out certain exclusive suzerainties of power over educational theory and policy. Those suzerainties are of three sorts.
Only the state can be entrusted with the authority to mandate and carry out an education of such magnitude that all will learn to desire this one particular good life over all others. The desire here is to avoid controversy, and to avoid teaching virtues, in a climate of social pluralism.
Choosing to educate for freedom rather than for virtue is still insinuating an influential choice. Whatever our aim of education, whatever kind of education these authorities argue for, it will not be, it cannot be, neutral. Needed is an educational aim that is inclusive. Gutmann settles on our inclusive commitment as democratic citizens to conscious social reproduction, the self-conscious shaping of the structures of society.
For this reason, she argues forcefully that children must learn to exercise critical deliberation among good lives and, presumably, good societies. To assure that they can do so, limits must be set for when and where parents and the state can interfere. Guidelines must be introduced that limit the political authority of the state and the parental authority of families.